United States rooms

Columbia River, and the Adena mounds of the Ohio Valley, United States

Chinook and Adena head shaping

Seen in the 1800s, and in Adena graves (cradles, not a species)

Paul Kane's watercolour of a Chinook child on a cradle, the sheet labeled as the process of flattening the head. You are looking at a drawing rather than a child on display, and the apparatus is the board together with the bindings. Paul Kane, Public domain. Shown unedited.

In 1847 an artist drew a Chinook child bound to a board and labeled the sheet as head-flattening. Across Ohio and the neighbouring valleys, Adena cradleboards flattened the back of the skull rather than the brow. A popular account says some of these heads were born that way, with no suture, the spine's opening in the wrong place. The boards are in the record, and an opening that is simply missing is not.

Why this is extraordinary

Far apart, two practices changed the shape of a living child's head while the bone was still soft. On the Columbia River, Chinookan families pressed an infant's forehead, and a watercolour of 1847 shows that child lashed to a board, the sheet itself saying what the board was for. Grow up under the pressure and the brow runs back from the nose. In the Ohio Valley, Adena people of the Early Woodland used cradleboards that flattened the back of the skull, so the vault stood higher and broader. That outline is not the Columbia slope, and it is not the long bound heads at Paracas. Setting the two side by side asks a question. It does not claim that one people copied another. The same question is already on the walls for Paracas, medieval Bavaria, the Carpathian Basin, the Ħal Saflieni Hypogeum, and Maya head shaping.

Visitors usually arrive wanting the why. Was the shape made to resemble something already seen, an ancestor, a being, an animal, a mask, a neighbour's standard of beauty or of rank? Or did some of these skulls grow long or flat on their own, a suture missing, the opening for the spine sitting where a human neck would not meet? The second of those has a section of its own below. People repeat it as a claim, and it is not the finding.

The Grave Creek tablet is the usual counter-reading to “Adena left no writing.” A small engraved stone is said to have come from the 1838 dig at that mound. It was read as an Old World script at the time, and called a fraud at the time. A later case traces the marks to characters in a 1752 book of Spanish coins. No agreed translation has held. The tablet is not evidence about cradleboards. No letter-by-letter reading is adopted here.

These are ancestral remains and ancestral customs of living Native nations. A drawing, a portrait, a mound, and a stone pipe are as far as the room goes, and it does not show a body. The Northwest Coast room holds the Kwakwaka'wakw cradle, which is where the Columbia journal of 1805 to 1806 is already quoted. Added on these walls are the Chinook apparatus in a picture, the Adena cradleboard, and the measurements.

Why it matters

If the shape was a likeness, of a being or an ancestor or a free person, the body is a picture of an idea, made in infancy. If it was medical, a suture that closed too early, then the boards and the mounds need another explanation, and a whole community's infants would have had to share one rare condition. The two techniques do not leave the same outline. Treating them as one “elongated skull” people is the mistake these pictures are here to prevent.

Chinookan, here, means the peoples of the lower Columbia, in what is now Washington and Oregon. Adena is the Early Woodland of the Ohio Valley and nearby, conical burial mounds from the last millennium before the common era into the first centuries after. A cradleboard is what holds the infant, and pressure on the soft bone moves the growth without adding bone and without taking away the opening where the spine enters. The sagittal suture is the seam along the top of the skull, and the foramen magnum is that opening in the base. Craniosynostosis is a suture that closes too early, a medical event, and it usually happens to one child at a time.

Photo tour

4 photographs, unedited. On a phone, swipe the row. Choose one to look closely.

Paul Kane's watercolour of a Chinook child on a cradle, the sheet labeled as the process of flattening the head. You are looking at a drawing rather than a child on display, and the apparatus is the board together with the bindings.Paul Kane, Public domain
Paul Kane, Caw-wacham, about 1848. The brow runs back from the nose, and an infant rides the cradle. Kane exhibited a version as a Chinook sketch. The museum holding this canvas says he identified the sitter with the Cowlitz, on a tributary of the Columbia. It is a painting, it has been described as a composite, and it is not a skull.Paul Kane, Public domain
Grave Creek Mound at Moundsville, West Virginia, a tall conical mound of the Adena tradition. The stone building at its foot came later, the fence is modern, and the mound is the setting of the burials rather than a picture of the people in them.Tim Kiser, CC BY-SA 2.5
A bird-effigy pipe in the Cleveland Museum of Art, catalogued with the Adena tradition. A creature in stone, not a model of a skull, and silent on whether any child was shaped to match it.Cleveland Museum of Art, CC0

What is still unexplained

These sit beside the consensus account, with the same visual weight. None of them is marked solved.

Documented, and not the same silhouette A board on the Columbia, a board in the Ohio Valley Kane's 1847 sheet shows a Chinook child undergoing the process, cords across the body, the head end of the cradle built to bear on the forehead. Journals from the river mouth, in the winter of 1805 to 1806 and already quoted in the Canadian room, describe that same pressure, especially on girls, and a line from the crown to the nose. Later writers on the river tied the finished shape to free birth and its absence to slavery. That is an outsider's social map, and it matches the existence of a rule about who was shaped. A portrait Kane exhibited as a Chinook sketch shows the grown profile, the brow receding. The Montreal Museum of Fine Arts, which holds a version titled Caw-wacham, says Kane identified the sitter as a Flathead woman of the Cowlitz, a Columbia tributary, and that the profile is what the cradle produced. The canvas has also been described as a composite of more than one sitting. It records a shape an artist saw on this river. It is not a clinical photograph, and the board in the oil is not shown pressing. Adena modification is the other apparatus. Ohio's historical account says babies were bound to cradleboards so the hard board flattened the rear of the skull, and that the bindings sometimes furrowed the brow. A Kentucky archaeological survey says the backs of Adena heads are often flattened, and that archaeologists take this as cradleboarding. What results is a shorter, broader vault, neither the Columbia slope nor the annular cone of Paracas. Historic nations in the Southeast, a different region and a later time, said a flattened head looked better or helped a hunter see. That motive is on record somewhere in the East. It is not a sentence an Adena author wrote, and Adena left no writing.
Open Imitation, stated as a question Nothing in a cradle says why the family wanted the shape. The candidates are the ones that come up wherever people bind heads, a being, an ancestor, an animal, a mask, a headdress, a neighbour, a mark of beauty or of rank. On the Columbia the motive that got written down, in outsiders' words, is rank, free and unfree told apart by the head. Kwakwaka'wakw masks, in the Canadian room, carry a broad brow, and the order, art first or body first, is not known. Adena pipes and engraved tablets show birds and composite creatures. The bird pipe in this room is a being in stone, and it is not a drawing of a flattened skull, so it cannot be set against a grave and declared the model. Imitation stays possible, because people do copy what they honour. It is not preferred over rank and beauty, and it is not a finding.
The claim, and what has actually been measured Born this way, the sutures and the opening Told the usual way, the natural-formation account has two parts. Some skulls lack the sagittal suture, so the crown is one bone, and the foramen magnum sits in a different place, or is a different size, so the head did not balance on an ordinary human neck. The catch is that a smooth crown is a real thing to see on an adult. Sutures close with age, from the inside out, and can leave the outside smooth, and they can also close too early. Craniosynostosis lengthens one child's head with no board at all. Binding itself shifts and hides sutures, which is why a smooth photograph is not a missing bone. For the Columbia skulls there is a measurement, and it is an old one. In 1924 a series of 83 Chinook skulls, 57 men and 26 women, from the lower river, was compared with 81 skulls from San Miguel Island, California, a series not shaped in this way. The plane of the foramen magnum in the Chinook averages was nearly horizontal, about +0.6 degrees in men and −0.5 in women, against averages of about −9 degrees and −13 degrees in the island series. The wider sex still ran from about +14 degrees to about −15. The opening was measured, and it was not reported absent. Readers of that study took the difference as growth under the deformation, in skulls everyone there already classed as artificially shaped. A later series of American skulls, discussed in the Paracas room, found that binding restricts the usual downward tilt of the same opening, more so when the pressure went all the way around. Those are changes inside human heads, and they follow the apparatus. No series used here reports an Adena or a Chinook foramen magnum outside a human range, or a suture missing from birth in a way a cradle cannot explain. The Kentucky survey's note on stature belongs in the same paragraph, because a different popular account says these mounds held a race of giants. In that survey Adena people rarely reached six feet. The bones described there are a strongly built population, inside the heights of living people.

Location and dating

Location
The pin is the lower Columbia, Chinookan country near the river mouth, where the historic boards were described. Adena mounds stand in the Ohio Valley and in neighbouring parts of Kentucky, West Virginia, Indiana, and beyond. Grave Creek, at Moundsville in West Virginia, is one of the tall conical mounds of that tradition. The two regions share the room because they share the question, and they are not one culture.
Period label
Current consensus — open to revision Writing puts the Columbia practice in the winter of 1805 to 1806, and drawings put it in the 1840s. The custom is older than either date, and its beginning is not radiocarbon dated here. Adena cradleboarding is read from skulls in Early Woodland mounds, the last millennium before the common era into the early centuries after. What 1924 measured were skulls already collected. That study is not the date of a birth.
How this dating was done
For the Columbia, the dates in hand are the date on the drawing and the date of the journals. For Adena, the dates come from the typology of the mounds and of the objects in them. Neither is a radiocarbon age of a shaped bone in this room. A suture and a foramen magnum are anatomical observations, and they become evidence only when someone measures a series and prints the method.
What could change it
Still unpublished, in the sources used here, is a table of the sagittal suture and the foramen magnum on Adena skulls, shaped and unshaped, from more than one mound, with the method printed. The Chinook angle was measured in 1924. The Adena “missing opening” has not been.
Published ranges, drawn as bars. A bar is a claim about a span, not a point.
Columbia descriptions
Adena mounds
800 BCE500 CE1847 CE
  • Columbia descriptions. Journals at the river mouth, then Kane's labeled cradle drawing. These are dates of the record, not of the custom's origin.
  • Adena mounds. Early Woodland, the cradleboard shape read from burials of that tradition. Not every Adena skull was flattened.

What is actually there

Open questions

Question Status
Were children shaped to look like a being, or so they would be recognised as free, beautiful, or kin? Open. Columbia writings that offer a motive talk about rank. Adena left no writings, and more than one motive can be true at once.
Has anyone measured an Adena foramen magnum and found it sitting in a non-human place? Not in the sources used here. The Chinook angle was measured on 83 skulls and read as a growth effect of the shaping.

The current narrative

Where publication stands today. It is the best-supported reading, and it is open to revision. It is not a verdict.

The current narrative — open to revision

Infants were shaped, on purpose, in two different ways

Chinookan families flattened the forehead with a board, and Adena families flattened the occiput with a cradleboard. Both were human infants, both practices are cultural, and the finished outlines match neither each other nor the Paracas cones. Rank, beauty, kin, and imitation of a being all remain possible motives. On the Columbia, the motive outsiders wrote down was rank.

What supports this

  • A labeled drawing made in 1847 shows a Chinook child on the apparatus.
  • Journals from 1805 to 1806, and the later accounts of free and unfree heads, are already cited for the Canadian room and are not set out again here as if they were new.
  • Ohio accounts and Kentucky accounts both describe Adena occipital flattening by cradleboard.
  • A measurement published in 1924 treats the Chinook skulls as artificially deformed and finds the base changed in the way pressure predicts.

What pushes back

  • Kane's adult portrait is an artist's composite in at least one scholarly description, a weak place from which to name a nation, even where the profile matches the practice.
  • Outsiders wrote the slavery contrast. It can be true, and the words can still be theirs.
  • Not every Adena skull is flattened, so a mound is not a factory.

What would settle it

The boards hold, and the motive stays multiple. Imitation is not ruled out, and it is not required.

Emerging narratives

Other published readings. Each may be right. None is adopted here unless the evidence carries it.

An emerging narrative

The shape was natural, the sutures gone, the opening inhuman

At least some Chinook and Adena skulls grew into this shape on their own. The sagittal suture was never there, and the foramen magnum lies in a position, or at a size, that a human spine would not meet. On this account the cradles are a later misunderstanding of a different head.

What supports this

  • A smooth crown is visible on ordinary adults once a suture has closed, so the observation people start from is real.
  • Craniosynostosis produces unusual vaults, and it does so with no custom behind them.
  • The 1924 series did find the Chinook foramen magnum plane different from an unshaped series. The wider of the two sexes ran from about +14 degrees to about −15. “The base is different” is not an invention.
  • Binding changes bone, so a measurement that finds a change cannot, by itself, prove anyone intended it. Intention is argued from the cradle, not from the angle alone.

What pushes back

  • The opening in the 1924 series was measured, and it was not missing. Averages near the horizontal still sat inside a spread of individual human values, and the study's premise was artificial deformation.
  • Craniosynostosis does not arrive carrying a labeled cradle, a village rule, or a mound tradition that shares one outline.
  • Adena flattening is the back of the head, the cradleboard pattern, and the regional surveys describe it as artificial. What those surveys do not report is a missing suture.
  • No independent table used here puts an Adena or a Chinook foramen magnum outside a human neck. The account is repeated more often than it is measured again.
  • Paracas, where the missing-suture story is usually told, is weighed in its own room, and the published series there also find a human opening that changes with the technique.

What would settle it

Possible for a single undiagnosed child. It does not account for the Columbia, and it does not account for Adena. It would move to the centre only if a series, shaped and unshaped, found a suture absent from birth or an opening that does not meet a human spine, and then printed the numbers.

Should the current view be reevaluated?

Consensus holds well

Both shapes were made in infancy, by different boards, in different centuries and in different regions. The Chinook foramen magnum, measured in 1924, came out altered and still human. A natural origin for a whole population, missing sutures and a non-human opening, has not been independently measured in the sources used here. Why a family wanted the shape stays open. Imitation of a being is one open motive, beside rank and beauty.

What drives this

  • A labeled Chinook cradle drawing, made in 1847.
  • Adena occipital flattening, described by the surveys as cradleboarding.
  • A 1924 series of 83 skulls, the angle changed, the opening still present.
  • No published Adena table, and no published Chinook table, of a missing suture or of a non-human opening.

This is the museum’s own weighing of the evidence. It is not a visitor vote, and it is separate from the slider.

Weigh it yourself

Anonymous. Nothing here is stored except on this browser. Your lean does not change the assessment beside it.

Infants were shaped, on purpose, in two different ways Unsure The shape was natural, the sutures gone, the opening inhuman

If the contested reading is right

What would follow if a reading that is not the consensus turned out to be true, and what could settle it. This explains the stakes. It does not adopt the reading.

Children were shaped to copy a being or an ancestor

The bird pipe, the tablets, and the masks would be patterns for the body, or the body would be the pattern for them. Rank, in the Columbia accounts, would be a second meaning, local or later, and not the whole story. Nothing now decides which of the two came first.

Why it is still worth a test

Inside one culture, a sequence of dated images and dated shaped burials that shows which came first.

The skulls are naturally another kind of head

The cradles would need some other job, the 1847 label would be a misunderstanding, and the 1924 angles would have to be read again as inborn rather than as pressure. A cemetery full of one rare medical condition would still need an explanation of its own.

Why it is still worth a test

The Adena table named above, and a fresh measurement of the Chinook series that separates cradle pressure from craniosynostosis, skull by skull.

Sources

  1. Caw-wacham, Paul Kane Montreal Museum of Fine Arts
  2. Declination of the cranial base in normal and in artificially deformed skulls Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1924
  3. Adena stone tablets, and the note on cradleboards Ohio History Connection
  4. Grave Creek Tablet e-WV. Said to come from the 1838 dig. Read as an Old World script at the time, and called a fraud at the time. A later case traces the marks to a 1752 book of Spanish coins. No agreed translation. Not evidence about cradleboards.
  5. Woodland period moundbuilders of the Bluegrass Kentucky Archaeological Survey

Image credits